French foreign minister criticises Putin for lifting Iranian ban

France's foreign minister has warned that Russia's decision to supply anti-missile weapons to Iran will strengthen opposition to a nuclear deal with Tehran and fan tensions in the region.

Laurent Fabius said lifting the ban on the delivery of the S-300 system sent the wrong signal as the west seeks to finalise an agreement outlined in Lausanne to limit Iran's atomic ambitions.

"An accord with Iran is designed to prevent nuclear proliferation in the region but also, more broadly, to appease tensions," Mr Fabius told the Financial Times in an interview. "We should avoid giving the impression that the period we are in will lead to rearmament; it creates an unfavourable environment and emboldens those who oppose an agreement."

The direct criticism of Russian president Vladimir Putin, who said last week he had revived the contract to reward Tehran on its "flexibility" in Lausanne, reflects France's tough line and distinct voice in the atomic talks.

Throughout years of nuclear discussions, Paris has earned a reputation as one of the west's most demanding negotiators. Its assessment has taken on even greater weight among some in the region, including Israel and Saudi Arabia, who believe President Barack Obama is overly keen to reach a deal.

Paris wants sanctions eased after Iran scales back its nuclear programme, and a "snapback" mechanism that could restore them "immediately if there is a breach" in case of bad behaviour - in contrast with Tehran's demands to lift them as soon as the deal is signed. Regular verification of nuclear sites, which Iranians are resisting, is another sticking point.

"Be very careful about this: those points were discussed but have not yet been agreed. And these points are important," he warned. "France's position is that we want an agreement but this agreement needs to be robust and verifiable."

This is no empty threat. The 68-year-old diplomat, whose political career spans nearly four decades since he became France's youngest prime minister under Francois Mitterrand, has earned a hawkish reputation ever since he blocked a deal in previous rounds of nuclear talks two years ago, sparking the Iranians' ire.

"At some point, we were presented a draft that did not seem satisfying to me," he recalled. Bending over to reach his glass on the coffee table of his 19th century office at the Quai d'Orsay, he said: "This is orange juice. If someone tells me it's water, I'd say, no, [it's] orange juice."

France's dynamic diplomacy and military strategy in the Middle East and Africa has contrasted with the country's economic woes since Francois Hollande came to power in 2012. Struggling to revive the economy at home, the socialist president has placed the country at the forefront of the fight against the Islamist threat abroad. He has sent troops to northern Mali to oust al-Qaeda-linked groups, and Rafale jets to destroy targets of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, or Isis, in Iraq. Paris also took action in the Central African Republic to help prevent a civil war.

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While it has signed up to the concept of extending Russian sanctions to fit the year-end implementation deadline for the Minsk ceasefire deal, Paris is open to a potential rollback as soon as June, diverging from European partners such as Lithuania, Poland and the UK.

"If the Russians respect the Minsk commitments there could be an easing of the sanctions," Mr Fabius said. "If there were violations, then sanctions must be rolled over or even amplified." An attack on the Azov sea port of Mariupol would be such a trigger.

Seeking to set itself apart from the US and, to a lesser extent, the UK is part of a French diplomatic tradition started by Charles de Gaulle. But in the past decade, Washington and London have suffered from the fallout of the war in Iraq. They have lost goodwill in the Middle East and are held back by wary public opinions. This is providing France with an opportunity to get closer to Arab powers, according to Dominique Moisi, founder of the French institute for International Relations.

Libya's civil war, and the country's emergence as a hotbed of extremists, is also high on Mr Fabius's priority list. Asked whether Paris would send troops to help stabilise the country if a peace deal can be brokered, he said France's activism had its limits and urged other powers to step up if needed.

"We can't be present everywhere," he said. "France does not have the vocation, nor the means, to be Africa's policeman."

Mr Fabius is also keen to revive peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians. France's initiative could take the form of a new UN resolution based on the pre-1967 borders, according to people with knowledge of the matter.

"We think that soon, not within days but soon, we will need to start things over," Mr Fabius said. "What will be the international framework? Some say a UN resolution. Yes. And a conference. Why not. We need to agree on timing with [US secretary of state] John Kerry. There are other issues to deal with. One negotiation should not hurt another, but at the same time, there's always a lot going on, so the risk is we never find the time."

Asked if such a process could start after an Iranian nuclear deal with Tehran, he said with a smile: "We'll see. Those are the subtleties of diplomacy."

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